Womens Justice Center



















The Liberation of Women's Energy
Will Change the World. *


La liberación de la energía de la mujer cambiará el mundo


o provide advocacy, free of charge, for victims of rape, domestic violence, and child abuse, particularly in the Latina and other under served communities of Sonoma County. To provide advocacy training and community education. To promote more women and minorities in our law enforcement agencies. To commit to equal justice for all women and girls.


rindar una defensa gratuita a víctimas de violación, violencia doméstica y abuso infantil, particularmente en las comunidades hispanas y otras que no son atendidas adecuadamente en el condado de Sonoma. Proveer capacitación en defensa pública y educación comunitaria. Incrementar el número de mujeres y personas pertenecientes a minorías en nuestras agencias de aplicación de justicia. Comprometernos con la justicia igualitaria para todas las mujeres y las niñas.



News Round-up ~ Resumen de noticias


 

Children born of sexual and gender-based violence in situations of conflict and mass violence have, until recently, been neglected in international criminal law. These children exist in what the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict has previously termed an “accountability gap” as the “punishment against or redress by the perpetrator rarely includes reparations for the women who were victimized or the children who were born as a result of rape”.

Such children have, however, featured in recent cases at the International Criminal Court (ICC). For instance, in the case against Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo, leader of the Congolese Movement of Liberation of the Congo (MLC), convicted in March 2016 of war crimes and crimes against humanity for crimes committed by his troops in the Central African Republic (CAR) between 2002 and 2003, unwanted pregnancies and the birth of children were identified during sentencing as a harm of rape. This case represents the first time the ICC will have the opportunity to provide reparations to victims of rape and a recent Expert Report on reparations suggested that children born of rape should be included within this process.

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SEE ALSO: New anthology, “Human Rights and Children”

“This volume provides a comprehensive overview of children’s human rights, collecting the works of leading authorities as well as new scholars grappling with emerging ideas of ‘children’ and ‘rights.’ Beginning with the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the most widely ratified human rights treaty in the world, this book explores the theory, doctrine, and implementation of the legal frameworks addressing child labor, child soldiers, and child trafficking, as well as children’s socio-economic rights, including their rights to education.”

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la polémica defensa del papa Francisco al obispo Juan Barros, acusado de encubrir abuso sexual de menores

El papa Francisco defendió este jueves durante su visita a Chile al obispo Juan Barros, acusado de encubrir casos de abuso sexual de menores.

"El día que me traigan una prueba contra el obispo Barros, ahí voy a hablar", dijo el pontífice en la ciudad de Iquique, donde hoy celebrará la tercera y última misa de su viaje.

"No hay una sola prueba en contra, todo es calumnia", dijo en respuesta a preguntas de los periodistas al bajarse del automóvil en el que viajaba.

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Pope Francis has triggered anger in Chile after accusing victims of a paedophile priest of slander.

Francis said there was "no proof" for their claims that abuse by Father Fernando Karadima had been covered up by another man, Bishop Juan Barros.

"There is not one single piece of proof against him (Bishop Barros). It is all slander. Is that clear?" the Pope said.

One Karadima victim said the Pope's earlier plea for forgiveness over clerical sex abuse was "empty".

The Pope made his comments on Thursday before celebrating Mass outside the city of Iquique in northern Chile.

"The day someone brings me proof against Bishop Barros, then I will talk," the Pope told journalists.

What is the controversy about?

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SEE ALSO:

 The pope asks for forgiveness on sex abuse. But he refuses to act.

 

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EXCERPT:

Women and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI*) human rights defenders the world over are targeted in the closing space phenomenon both for who they are as well as for the work they do. These defenders are targeted because they are often “perceived as challenging accepted sociocultural norms, traditions, perceptions, and stereotypes about femininity, sexual orientation, and the role and status of women in society.” Yet, only limited analysis has been made of their experiences of closing space.

In response, the International Human Rights Law Clinic(IHRLC) of Berkeley Law and the Urgent Action Funds for Women’s Human Rights (UAF) conducted a review of the laws and their impacts on WHRDs in 16 countries. Our report Rights Eroded: A Briefing Report on the Effects of Closing Space on Women Human Rights Defenders offers a window on the challenges women and LGBTQI* human rights defenders face as well as their resistance strategies and recommends action international and state authorities as well as donors should take to protect these front-line activists.

Women and LGBTQI* human rights defenders interviewed for the report spoke of their experiences of structural and social discrimination, targeted efforts by the State to hinder their work, gendered forms of harassment, and criminalization of their activities. They described a climate in which States have moved to restrict their access to the funds essential to their work. Governments have applied a complex web of rules including anti-money laundering and national security legislation to ensnare organizations engaged in legitimate human rights work. They emphasized how social stigma and targeted campaigns by the State to delegitimize their work undermine public support for their activities and limit the resources available to them. Activists revealed the ways in which they self-censor to avoid confrontation and abuse from State actors. And, importantly, they cataloged the strategies that they employ to resist closing space through alliance building with other human rights activists, leveraging media attention, and adopting new funding strategies.

SEE FULL ARTICLE

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Excerpt:

Research on “police sexual misconduct” — a term used to describe actions from sexual harassment and extortion to forcible rape by officers — overwhelmingly concludes that it is a systemic problem. A 2015 investigation by the Buffalo News, based on a national review of media reports and court records over a 10-year period, concluded that an officer is accused of an act of sexual misconduct at least every five days. The vast majority of incidents, the report found, involve motorists, young people in job-shadowing programs, students, victims of violence and informants. In more than 60 percent of the cases reviewed, an officer was convicted of a crime or faced other consequences.

Former police officer turned professor Phil Stinson conducted a national analysis of more than 500 officer arrests for sexual misconduct over a three-year period. He found that half involved on-duty misconduct and noted that off-duty misconduct is often facilitated by the power of the badge or the presence of an official service weapon. A fifth of arrests involved forcible rape, another fifth forcible fondling.

In a second study, funded by the National Institute of Justice and analyzing more than 6,700 officer arrests nationwide during a seven-year period, Stinson found that half of arrests for sexual misconduct were for incidents involving minors. According to a 2010 Cato Institute review, sexual misconduct is the second-most-frequently reported form of police misconduct, after excessive force.

“Over the years I would see it all,” former Seattle police chief Norm Stamper wrote in his book, “Breaking Rank.” He described cases in which cops fondled prisoners, made false traffic stops of attractive women, traded sexual favors for freedom, had sex with teenagers and raped children. “Sexual predation by police officers happens far more often than people in the business are willing to admit.”

SEE FULL ARTICLE

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ESPERAMOS QUE ESTE INFORME MUNDIAL ABRA EL DEBATE PARA HACER QUE LA VIOLENCIA SEXUAL OCUPE UN LUGAR CENTRAL EN LAS REFLEXIONES Y ACTUACIONES COLECTIVAS Y PROMOVER EL DERECHO DE LAS NIÑAS Y MUJERES DE TODO EL MUNDO A LA IGUALDAD Y A VIVIR SIN VIOLENCIA. 
-YASMEEN HASSAN, DIRECTORA EJECUTIVA GLOBALhttps://www.equalitynow.org/es/campaigns/rape-laws-report

La violación y los abusos sexuales son incidentes violentos que ocurren a diario y afectan a mil millones de niñas y mujeres de todo el mundo a lo largo de su vida. Sin embargo, a pesar de la omnipresencia de estos delitos, la legislación es insuficiente, contradictoria, no se aplica de forma sistemática y, en ocasiones, incluso promueve la violencia. Desde la fundación de Igualdad Ya, en 1992, hemos  trabajado con supervivientes de violación y agresión sexual para ayudarlas a obtener justicia y presionar para que se adopten medidas para acabar con este inaceptable crimen. El informe aborda cómo la legislación del mundo sigue sin proteger a las niñas y mujeres de la violencia sexual.   

Descargue el informe de Igualdad Ya en formato de UNA PÁGINA o DOBLE PÁGINA.

«Mediante la violación la víctima es tratada como un mero objeto de gratificación sexual... sin tener en cuenta la autonomía ni el control personal sobre lo que le ocurre a su cuerpo... la violación es una de las afrentas más repugnantes a la dignidad humana y toda la gama de derechos relacionados con la dignidad, como la seguridad y la integridad de la persona...» 
Comisión Africana de Derechos Humanos y de los Pueblos: Comunicación 341/2007 – Igualdad Ya frente a la República Federal de Etiopía

Bajo cualquier concepto, se inflige violencia de género, incluida la violencia sexual, sobre niñas y mujeres en proporciones de epidemia. Si la violencia sexual fuese una enfermedad, gobiernos y donantes independientes le prestarían gran atención y destinarían los fondos necesarios para abordarla. Probablemente todo el que lea este informe ha sobrevivido o conoce a alguien que haya experimentado alguna forma de violencia sexual. 

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 ‘You could argue troubled people seek a place where their pain finds sympathy. But you wouldn’t extend that charity to Donald Trump when he suggested he was Charlottesville’s real victim.’ Photograph: UPI/Barcroft

Two months after the New York Times’s first story about Harvey Weinstein, a pattern has been established. A woman steps forward to claim that she has been the victim of sexual harassment. Almost immediately, the accused – or a man speaking on his behalf – responds with talk of a witch-hunt. Last week it was the turn of Australian TV presenter Don Burke to deny claims that he is a sexual predator and to say he is being unfairly targeted.

The week before, the singer Morrissey, in his now-familiar role as professional provocateur, had his say on the sexual abuse story, asserting that “anyone who ever said ‘I like you’ to someone else is suddenly being charged with sexual harassment”. In recent days the Tory MP Sir Roger Gale also talked of a “witch-hunt” while Jeremy Clarkson warned darkly of “innocent men forced to live like hermits”. Now deputy prime minister Damian Green has been defended by his friend and fellow MP Crispin Blunt, along with the Daily Mail, which is claiming the first minister of state is the victim of a “cynical vendetta” being waged by the police. Meanwhile in the US, Jerry Moore, brother of Roy, the Republican Alabama senate candidate accused of abusing underage girls, claimed his sibling was being persecuted “like Jesus”.

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From the police investigation to the prosecution and now the parole board decision, this is a case choreographed to frighten victims of sex crimes

The release of the “black cab” rapist John Worboys, a man who drugged, sexually assaulted and raped perhaps as many as 200 women is incomprehensible. It is shocking. It is one more unbelievable development in a case already marked out by historic levels of cruel incompetence.

At every turn, decisions have been taken that might have been choreographed to demean his victims and diminish every woman’s faith in the system. First there was the litany of errors by the Metropolitan police investigation. The willingness to disbelieve his accusers, and to believe him was accompanied by an incompetence that rendered evidence inadmissible and left obvious connections unexamined. Dozens of women may have been assaulted or raped because the police missed chances to stop him. This disaster was compounded by the most callous disregard for his victims; an investigation by the Independent Police Complaints Commission reported officers lying to and laughing at victims. Some of them were on a squad set up to create a safe environment for the reporting of rape. The IPCC recommended no disciplinary action.

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Remembering: A Tribute to Women Human Rights Defenders no longer with us

In this gallery you will find our Tribute to Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) who are no longer with us. Over 350 WHRDs from 11 regions and 80 countries are featured.

We bring them all into our collective memory and carry their legacy of struggle as our torch in feminist and women’s rights movements.


You are invited to:

  • Browse the online gallery
  • Use the filters to search by category and/or region
  • Use the search bar at the top of this page to look for someone specific
  • Learn more about this Tribute

SEE GALLERY

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The end of 2017 was marked by an unprecedented outpouring of sexual harassment claims in the entertainment industry — and a loud call for change. It was a watershed moment, but many worried that little would improve in a system that tends to protect powerful men and silence victims. Then, on Jan. 1, more than 1,000 actresses, agents, and other industry figures — including Shonda Rhimes, Reese Witherspoon, America Ferrera, Ashley Judd, Lena Waithe, Rashida Jones, Kerry Washington, and Eva Longoria — published an open letter in The New York Times and the Spanish-language newspaper La Opinion unveiling the massive initiative Time’s Up: “The struggle for women to break in, to rise up the ranks and to simply be heard and acknowledged in male-dominated workplaces must end,” it said. “Time’s up on this impenetrable monopoly.”

Time’s Up is arguably the biggest action-oriented response yet to the wave of allegations against men in Hollywood and seeks to expand the conversation to other less publicized industries: In November, 700,000 female farmworkers published an open lettersupporting their Hollywood peers and calling the crisis in the entertainment industry a “reality we know far too well.” The Time’s Up letter vows to use Hollywood’s privilege to fight for working women everywhere, focusing on everything from sexual harassment in the workplace to gender parity at major companies.

“We didn’t want to just put out social-media statements or send our regards,” Katie McGrath, who runs the production company Bad Robot with her husband, J.J. Abrams, tells EW. “We wanted to back it up with real resources that all women and men could access and begin the healing.”

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SEE ALSO:

Powerful Hollywood Women Unveil Anti-Harassment Action Plan

Open Letter From Time's Up

How to Stop the Predators Who Are Not Famous

The Alianza Nacional De Campesinas' Powerful Letter Standing With Women In Hollywood Is An Important Reminder About Privilege

700,000 Female Farmworkers Say They Stand With Hollywood Actors Against Sexual Assault, TIME magazine

Alianza Nacional de Campesinas

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Annotation:  This study documented the sexual assault disclosure experiences of 3,951 female undergraduate students at four historically Black colleges or universities (HBCU).
Abstract: 

All women at the participating schools were recruited in November 2008 to participate in a Web-based survey that included both closed- and open-ended questions. Survey data were weighted for non-response bias. The majority of sexual assault survivors disclosed their experience to someone close to them, but disclosure to formal supports, particularly law enforcement agencies, was extremely rare. Non-reporters had concerns about the seriousness of the incident and their privacy.

On the basis of qualitative data, strategies identified by students to increase reporting included more education and awareness about sexual assault, more survivor services and alternative mechanisms for reporting, and better strategies for protecting the confidentiality of survivors. The study concludes that official sexual assault victimization data are of limited utility in conveying the extent of sexual assault among HBCU students. Efforts to increase reporting, such as peer education and enhanced confidentiality procedures, are needed. (Publisher abstract modified)

Journal:  Journal of American College Health  Volume:64  Issue:6  Dated:August-September 2016  Pages:469 to 480

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Social conservatives in the Trump administration, Congress and state governments are pursuing an aggressive agenda to broadly undermine sexual and reproductive health and rights. Our experts are assessing the devastating consequences of these attacks in the United States and globally, while continuing to examine the many dangers that are still ahead.

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Full PDF Free Online

Annotation:  Based on systematically collected data and evidence, this study report presents typologies and modalities of human trafficking organizations, descriptions of how these organizations are structured and facilitated, and an assessment of motivations and decision-making processes of traffickers.
Abstract:  The study first examined public-use data and restricted documents held by the United States Sentencing Commission (USSC) to identify human traffickers federally convicted and to obtain information on individuals and organizations engaged in sex and labor trafficking. Based on these data, a sampling frame was developed for offenders to be interviewed. Researchers then interviewed a sample of 294 convicted traffickers held in federal prisons. Among the key gaps in the human-trafficking literature addressed by this study are 1) information about human trafficking enterprises derived from systematically collected data; 2) detailed descriptions of how organizations are structured to support trafficking operations and how these operations are facilitated by legitimate businesses or storefronts, as well as money launderers; and 3) information about individual traffickers’ perceptions of risks and rewards, particularly, how law enforcement efforts are perceived by individual traffickers and how traffickers respond to these perceptions. Data are also provided on federal human trafficking charges and sentences, characteristics of traffickers and their enterprises, and offender perceptions and justifications. Implications of these findings for criminal justice policy and practice regarding human sex and labor trafficking are discussed. 3 tables, 2 figures, and a review of the dissemination of study methods and findings

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  • El documento 'La guerra inscrita en el cuerpo’ muestra la magnitud de ese crimen en el país.

    Violencia sexual en la guerra

    Mujeres sobrevivientes de violencia sexual participaron en talleres de memoria para reconstruir lo que sucedió en sus territorios.

  • Helena, una campesina del sur del Tolima, uno de los enclaves históricos de las Farc, logró salvar a sus hijos de 10, 14 y 15 años de ser reclutados por esa guerrilla. Eso ocurrió hace siete años, en el 2010. Guerrilleros del frente 21 le mandaron razón de que preparara a los muchachos porque “iban a pasar por ellos”, y ese mismo día ella decidió sacarlos de la vereda escondidos, entre guacales, en un carro de venta de bananos.

     

    “Allá, en cada vereda, en cada finca, a usted le dicen: ‘Tiene dos o tres hijos, y a medida que vayan creciendo, de los 10 años en adelante, se los van llevando’. Y si usted habla o algo, es peor: lo matan. La ley es que todo el mundo va a engrosar la fila de la guerrilla”, contó la mujer. 

    Pero la valentía para defender a sus hijos terminó por convertirla en víctima de violencia sexual. “Les decía que yo por mis hijos me hago matar. Fueron a mi casa a las 9 de la noche. Me ataron las manos atrás. Me llevaron al ‘Rincón de la muerte’ (en inmediaciones de la quebrada La Catalina, donde los grupos armados asesinaron a varias personas)”. 

    Allá estaba ‘Agustín’, el jefe del frente 21, que murió en combate con el Ejército en el 2012: “Él me violó y les dijo a los otros: ‘Cada uno haga lo que quiera con ella, tenemos cinco horas para hacer todo lo que quieran’ ”. 

    Testimonios como el de Helena fueron recogidos por el Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica en el informe ‘La guerra inscrita en el cuerpo’, revelado esta semana y que reconstruye cómo todos los grupos armados y muchos agentes del Estado utilizaron la violencia sexual en medio del conflicto armado. La investigación tiene casos desde 1959 y su macabro balance –que claramente es inferior a la realidad, porque muchas víctimas temen denunciar incluso hoy– es que al menos 15.000 niñas y mujeres, pero también muchos niños y adolescentes, fueron violados por los actores de la guerra. 

  • CONTINUA

  • PARA VER EL INFORME: La Guerra Escrita en el Cuerpo

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 ultrasound

Crisis pregnancy centers (CPCs) are pro-life organizations that often offer women incorrect, incomplete or misleading information about their reproductive options.

In response, some localities have passed legislation requiring CPCs to make disclosures to their clients. California, for example, passed the Reproductive FACT Act in 2015. Under this law, CPCs must notify clients of public resources available to prevent or terminate pregnancies. It also mandates that CPCs inform their patients if they are not licensed as a medical facility.

Anti-choice advocates have taken issue with these requirements. The National Institute of Family and Life Advocates has sued California’s attorney general on behalf of CPCs. In November 2017, the U.S. Supreme Court decided it would hear the case.

Two law review articles provide context. While papers published in law journals often promote a particular interpretation of the law, these sources offer background on CPCs and relevant legal precedent. A 2016 article in the American Journal of Law & Medicine looks specifically at the First Amendment and reproductive freedom. An article published in 2017 in the Northwestern Journal of Law & Social Policy, Have Crisis Pregnancy Centers Finally Met Their Match: California’s Reproductive FACT Act,” suggests the California law will be held constitutional and represents a first step to regulating CPCs.

The upcoming Supreme Court case, National Institute of Family and Life Advocates v. Becerra, No. 16-1140, will evaluate whether requiring CPCs to disclose information that counters their beliefs is a violation of First Amendment rights to free speech.

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Corporate Author:  National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges
United States of America

Document URL: 

PDF   FREE ONLINE 

Annotation:  This benchbook provides guidance for family court judges in complying with the federal Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA), which was enacted in 1978 in response to the high percentage of Indian children being removed from their families, often unwarranted, to be placed by non-tribal public and private agencies in non-Indian foster homes and institutions.
Abstract: 

The rationale for this federal legislation was that states were often failing to recognize the essential tribal relations of Indian people and the cultural and social standards that prevail in Indian communities and families. In 2003, the National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges (NCJFCJ) published checklists to guide judges and judicial officers in implementing ICWA. The checklists have been used by courts across the nation.

The Department of Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs (BJA) promulgated federal regulations governing ICWA in 2016. These binding regulations provide additional definitions, timelines, and required judicial findings that must be made on the record. The statute and regulations together create the minimum federal requirements for Indian families. States may increase protections and requirements, but may not decrease them.

This bench book is designed for a national audience, only addressing federal requirements under the ICWA. Judges should become familiar with higher protections for Indian children and families in their particular jurisdiction. Following a presentation of the basic provisions of the ICWA, the benchbook addresses ICWA minimum requirements for the preliminary protective hearing, the adjudication hearing, the disposition hearing, the review hearing, the permanency planning hearing, the termination of parental rights, and the adoption hearing.

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Investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia was assassinated in her native Malta after exposing a massive web of corruption through the “Panama Papers,” including a revelation that Ivanka Trump helped her father’s Panama hotel venture with the help of an alleged international fraudster with ties to Russian money launderers.

The slain investigative journalist works for the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists behind the Panama Papers, a trove of records from a law firm that she used in her work.

Police investigators and forensic experts search for evidence after a powerful bomb blew up Galizia’s car. Photo: Imgur.

Authorities on the Mediterranean island of Malta arrested ten people in connection with the killing of the lauded 53-year-old journalist, the Daily News reports.

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Over the last few decades the ongoing atrocity of missing and murdered native women has been heavy lifted out of stone cold silence by the mothers, sisters, and friends of the victims. In tribe after tribe native women have tirelessly organized, protested, and marched to bring the story to light and justice.

In eulogizing the recent murder of native woman Savanna LaFontaine-Greywind, the National Indian Women’s Resource Center writes, “It is an abomination that many times the only searches for our missing women are organized by family and friends, and not law enforcement.”

Taylor Sheridan, the acclaimed writer and director of Wind River, says he made his movie to bring attention to the assaults of native women and to do so with “authenticity”. So he took all the wealth and power of his filmic resources and proceeded to erase native women from their story and freeze them into silence again.

In Sheridan’s telling the starring avengers of the film’s murdered native woman are a white man hunter, a white woman FBI agent, and a native man law enforcement officer, the very characters who in authentic reality have been at the forefront of turning their backs on the missing and murdered women.  

Wherever are the story’s authentic brave native women who in real life have led the searches and struggles for justice?

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The Supreme Court, for one.

170717_JURIS_SexualHarassmentLaw

Harvey Weinstein, Donald Trump, and Roger Ailes. Pascal Le Segretain/Getty Images; Drew Angerer/Getty Images; Stephen Lovekin/Getty Images

Workplace sexual harassment has been illegal in the United States for 53 years. It still happens every day. High-profile examples abound: President Donald Trump—who has boasted of committing sexual assault—is being sued for sexually harassing a contestant on The Apprentice, one of 15 alleged victims of Trump’s sexual misconduct. Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein has been accused of sexual assault and harassment by dozens of women. Both Roger Ailes and Bill O’Reilly were pushed out at Fox News after a flood of sexual harassment allegations. The problem is not limited to famous men or prominent workplaces. In fiscal 2016, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission received nearly 7,000 complaints alleging sexual harassment. State agencies received thousands more. And these numbers don’t begin to tell the full story: The EEOC estimates that roughly 3 out of 4 individuals who experience workplace harassment do not report it. An overwhelming majority of harassment victims are women.

Diluted civil rights laws and culturally ingrained misogyny discourage many victims from coming forward. Those who do file complaints often face an impossibly high bar to justice. These problems are not intractable. American lawmakers and employers, though, have shown little interest in surmounting them.

CONTINUES This article goes on to give an excellent analysis of how the law governing sexual harassment has been eroded by the courts.

 

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On September 27, 2017, the Brazilian Supreme Court – in a 6 to 5 judgment – decided that public schools can have “confessional” (Catholic) religious teaching in their curriculum. The constitutional case had been proposed by the Attorney General, who argued that current practice – that privileges Roman Catholic indoctrination – would violate the separation between Church and State as well as religious freedom. Although the judgment brings severe consequences to education rights in Brazil, it is only one example of the recent battles by conservative religious groups to influence Brazilian public education. The Catholic church has a long history of interference in Roman Catholic countries, aiming to block comprehensive sex education in schools. More recently, other churches and conservative groups have adopted similar strategies to influence educational policies in Brazil and elsewhere in Latin America.

**** Brazil is only one example of a new wave of conservative mobilization that is sweeping Latin America, characterized by the gathering of powerful old economic elites and religious conservative groups. Among its central political strategies, this new wave fights against the inclusion of a gender equality approach in public policies, including school curricula among their principal battlegrounds. Across the region, this movement has won many major disputes with significant impact.

**** Latin America is already the only region in the world where adolescent pregnancies are not decreasing. . . .A recent analysis of global health progress, published by The Lancet, has shown that if the current trends continue, Latin American countries will not be able to reach their Sustainable Development Goals for reduction of teen pregnancy.  

**** The new wave of conservative mobilization in Latin America aggravates this situation and must therefore be taken seriously by those interested in preventing and reducing female poverty, and promoting gender equality not only in Latin America, but worldwide.

SEE FULL ARTICLE

SEE ALSO: Quinceanera Expo

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Document URL: 

HTML   PDF (Summary)   PDF (Full Report)   
Publication Date:  November 2017
Annotation:  These prepared remarks by National Institute of Justice Director, David B. Muhlhausen, on the Las Vegas body-worn camera experiment were presented at a press event hosted by CNA on November 27, 2017.
Abstract: 

These prepared remarks by Director Muhlhausen summarize a CNA study funded by the National Institute of Justice. In the study, the Las Vegas Police Department partnered with CNA researchers on a 12-month randomized control experiment involving 400 officers to better understand the effectiveness and impact of body-worn cameras. Director Muhlhausen speaks to the study’s importance and timeliness. He states that “Although body-worn cameras have been at the forefront of many conversations about policing over the past years, there’s still limited data to help us understand their true effectiveness and impact” and notes that “the work done in this study will be helpful not only in Las Vegas, but to law enforcement, communities, and policymakers across the country, from the local to the federal levels.” Body-worn cameras provide multiple benefits.

The findings of the study show: that police are more proactive in crime prevention activities when wearing cameras; they provide compelling evidence to build legal cases; their use largely affirmed and validated positive officer behavior, and protected police from false or frivolous complaints; and they reduced inappropriate use of force incidents, and saved the Las Vegas Metro Police Department millions of dollars through a reduction of complaints against officers.

SEE ALSO:

  Use of Police Body Cameras in Cases of Violence Against Women and Children

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Matt Lauer’s 20-year position at NBC allowed him to frame the way stories about powerful women and Very Bad Men were told — and not told.

In September 2016, Matt Lauer came under fire for his treatment of then–presidential nominee Hillary Clinton at the NBC Commander in Chief Forum.

The format of the forum had Clinton answering questions for 30 minutes, followed by Donald Trump doing the same. During Clinton’s turn, Lauer focused one-third of that time on seemingly prepared questions about her private email server. He asked tough follow-up questions, and interrupted her answers more than once. By the time a veteran in the audience could ask Clinton a specific question about how she would deploy troops to combat ISIS ― the type of inquiry that would allow her to show Americans her understanding of foreign policy and her concrete plans should she become Commander in Chief ― Lauer cut in before she could answer, asking that her response be delivered “as briefly as you can.”

In contrast, Lauer went relatively easy on Trump. Lauer did not interrupt or ask a follow-up question when Trump brazenly lied about consistently opposing the Iraq War. And though Lauer did push back on Trump’s praise of Russian President Vladimir Putin, he certainly did not spend 10 minutes on the subject.  

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ced2d671-d441-4e90-8718-12997c557cfe

Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Palais Wilson, Geneva

Earlier this year, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women(Committee) handed down a case on violence against women in the matter of T.S. v. Russia. The communication, which concerned the criminal investigation of a rape case, was declared inadmissible since domestic remedies were not exhausted (Article 4(1) of the Optional Protocol). Despite evidence that the author was re-victimized, the Committee found that the domestic investigations “could not be categorized as improper or otherwise ineffective.” By not considering re-victimization, the Committee missed an opportunity to analyze the exhaustion of domestic remedies requirement from a gender perspective.

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Rachel E. Morgan, Ph.D., BJS Statistician

October 19, 2017    NCJ 250747

Presents estimates of violent victimization (rape or sexual assault, robbery, aggravated assault, and simple assault) by the race and Hispanic origin of victims and offenders during the 4-year period from 2012 through 2015. This report examines victim, offender, and incident characteristics, such as crime type, victim-offender relationship, and reporting to police. Findings are based on data from BJS's National Crime Victimization Survey, which collects information on nonfatal crimes, reported and not reported to the police, against persons age 12 or older.

Highlights:

  • During 2012-15, half (51%) of violent victimizations were intraracial, that is both victims and offenders were the same race or both were of Hispanic origin.
  • In the majority of violent victimizations, white victims' offenders were white (57%) and black victims' offenders were black (63%).
  • The rates of total violent crime, serious violent crime, and simple assault were higher for intraracial victimizations than for interracial victimizations.
  • From 1994 to 2015, white-on-white violence (down 79%) and black-on-black violence (down 78%) declined at a similar rate.
  • During 2012-15, there were no differences among white, black, and Hispanic intraracial victimizations reported to police.

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October 20, 2017

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The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), the federal agency charged with enforcing federal labor laws that prohibit workplace discrimination, released findings from a year-long look into harassment in the workplace. This report covers the key findings of the EEOC's study.

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The House and Senate have moved to adopt mandatory sexual harassment awareness training. Rep. Jackie Speier (D-Calif.) and Sen. Kristen Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) want to additionally reform the way Congress handles sexual harassment complaints, making the process easier for victims and less protective of offenders. (Shawn Thew/Epa-Efe/Rex/Shutterstock)

by Lauren B. Edelman the Agnes Roddy Robb professor of law and professor of sociology at the University of California at Berkeley, and the author of “Working Law: Courts, Corporations and Symbolic Civil Rights.”

Now that we’ve had something of an awakening about the pervasiveness of sexual harassment in the American workplace, the conversation is shifting to what to do about it. In many workplaces, the answer seems to be that we need mandatory training and clearer policies.

That seems to be the dominant thinking on Capitol Hill. After more than 1,500 former congressional aides signed a letter calling for action, the Houseand Senate adopted mandatory anti-harassment training for all lawmakers and staffers. This “sends a clear message: harassment of any kind is not and will not be tolerated in Congress,” Sen. Amy Klobuchar (Minn.), the ranking Democrat on the Senate Rules Committee, said in a statement.

Unfortunately, there is little evidence that training reduces sexual harassment. Rather, training programs, along with anti-harassment policies and reporting procedures, do more to shield employers from liability than to protect employees from harassment. And the clearest message they send is to the courts: Nothing to see here, folks.

CONTINUES

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